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Jonathan Freedland contends that the record of Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent wartime conduct is one of stark failure, despite the spotlight it has received alongside former U.S. President Donald Trump.While Trump has dominated headlines with his rhetoric on Iran and a self‑announced cease‑fire, Netanyahu has quietly overseen a continuation of hostilities across the region. Israel’s air campaign on Lebanon—the most lethal single strike in recent memory—targeted roughly 100 sites in a ten‑minute window, leaving at least 303 dead and more than 1,150 injured, many of them civilians.Israel maintains that the U.S.‑brokered deal with Tehran does not extend to Lebanon, a claim disputed by Iran and Pakistani mediators. Netanyahu, meanwhile, has pledged to sustain “full‑force” attacks on what Israel labels Hezbollah launch positions, even as he publicly agrees to diplomatic talks with Beirut.Internationally, Netanyahu is already wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in Gaza, and his reputation abroad is that of a war‑time villain. Domestically, his supporters still view him as a security hawk, a perception that matters most as Israel faces elections no later than 27 October.Freedland highlights that the October 7, 2023 Hamas onslaught—Israel’s deadliest terrorist attack—occurred under Netanyahu’s watch, a fact that would have toppled most leaders in comparable democracies. Yet the prime minister promised “total victory” over Hamas, a promise that remains unfulfilled after a two‑year bombardment that has claimed roughly 70,000 lives in Gaza while leaving Hamas in control of the enclave’s unoccupied areas.Claims of having neutralised Hezbollah have also proved hollow. Although Israel announced the death of the group’s leader, Hezbollah continues to rebuild its arsenal and resumed rocket fire, undermining the narrative of a decisive Israeli triumph.Similarly, the 12‑day 2025‑2026 confrontation with Iran—branded by Trump as an obliteration of Tehran’s nuclear programme and by Netanyahu as a historic victory—has not diminished Iran’s strategic capabilities. The nation still possesses enriched uranium, a robust missile stockpile, and the ability to threaten global shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, effectively holding a lever over the world economy.Freedland argues that Netanyahu’s doctrine of perpetual military pressure yields only temporary relief, likening it to repeatedly cutting off a snake’s head only for it to regrow. Former Israeli general‑turned‑politician Yair Golan is quoted as saying that Netanyahu “does not know how to translate battlefield successes into lasting political security.”The human cost of this approach is evident not only in the casualties of Gaza, the Bekaa Valley and Israeli cities, but also in Israel’s deteriorating diplomatic standing. Recent legislation in the Knesset—pushed by far‑right minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and supported by Netanyahu—introduces a death‑penalty provision for Palestinians convicted of terrorism, a move condemned internationally as discriminatory.As Israelis endure nightly bomb‑shelter drills and semi‑lockdown conditions, the electorate faces a stark choice. Polls suggest that even if Netanyahu is ousted, his successor may continue a similar hard‑line stance, albeit with different execution. Freedland concludes that Israel’s long‑term security cannot rely solely on force; a negotiated accommodation with neighbours, especially the Palestinians, may finally become politically viable after the exposure of Netanyahu’s repeated strategic failures.

In a shocking escalation of violence, civilians in Gaza's Maghazi camp were caught in the crossfire as rival armed groups clashed, leaving 10 people dead and 44 injured. The incident occurred on Monday, with eyewitnesses describing scenes of panic and chaos as armed men stormed homes and a school run by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA).The violence began when armed groups approached from the direction of the "yellow line" that separates Palestinian and Israeli-controlled areas of Gaza. The groups, allegedly backed by Israeli forces, moved towards civilian homes and the Al-Maghazi Preparatory Boys School, which is sheltering large numbers of displaced people.Residents reported that the armed men, who identified themselves as the "Popular Forces combating terrorism", a rival group to Hamas, broke into homes, detained family members, and used the houses as cover during the battle. The family of Asaad Nteel, who was caught up in the violence, described being ordered to gather in one room and not move, fearing harm to themselves and their children.The clashes, which lasted for over an hour and a half, caused extreme distress to residents, who do not support these groups. Local people claim the armed men were provided with cover and support by Israeli forces, with some eyewitnesses reporting the use of armed drones to aid the armed men's withdrawal.The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights has documented previous violence by these groups, including looting of aid convoys, kidnappings, torture, and killings, with cover or support from the Israeli army. The centre has called for an urgent independent investigation, accountability for those responsible, and effective protection for civilians.The incident has sparked widespread outrage on social media, with activists sharing videos documenting victims being transported to hospitals. The violence has also raised concerns about the emerging armed groups in Gaza, which appear to operate near areas along the "yellow line".Since the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas supposedly began on October 11, 733 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, and 2,034 injured, in addition to 759 bodies recovered. The situation remains dire, with civilians continuing to bear the brunt of the conflict.

The United States government has reaffirmed its position that it plans to deport Salvadoran immigrant Kilmar Abrego Garcia to Liberia, despite arguments that doing so would be vindictive.On Tuesday, lawyers for the administration of President Donald Trump told US federal judge Paula Xinis that it remains committed to Liberia as a destination.Abrego Garcia, however, has said that, if he must be deported, he would prefer to be sent to Costa Rica, and the government there has indicated it would accept him.But the Trump administration’s insistence on sending Abrego Garcia to Africa has raised questions about its motive.Critics have accused the US government of seeking retribution against Abrego Garcia, whose case has spurred scrutiny over the legality of Trump’s mass deportation campaign.The case began with a high-profile mistake. In March 2025, less than three months into Trump’s second term, Abrego Garcia was wrongfully deported to his native El Salvador, in violation of a 2019 protection order that found he could face gang violence if returned to the country.The Trump administration, at the time, described Abrego Garcia’s removal as an “administrative error”.Still, it initially refused to seek his return, arguing that Abrego Garcia was a gang member and that, once abroad, he was subject to El Salvador’s leadership. Abrego Garcia, though, had no criminal record at the time of his deportation.Abrego Garcia was imprisoned, first at El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Centre (CECOT) and later in a second prison in Santa Ana, El Salvador.Meanwhile, lawyers in the US had turned to US courts to reverse his deportation.In early April 2025, Judge Xinis ruled that the US government had to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return to the country, and later that month, the US Supreme Court upheld her ruling in a unanimous decision.But it was only in June 2025 that Abrego Garcia was brought back to the US. In announcing Abrego Garcia’s return, the Trump administration revealed it would be filing criminal charges against him for human smuggling.He pleaded not guilty, but was forced to remain in jail. The Trump administration had deemed him a flight risk, and his own lawyers feared that stepping out of his jail cell would land him in immigration detention instead.When a court ordered his release in August, this is exactly what happened: Immigration agents took him back into custody within days.Authorities at the time said they would deport him to Uganda. Later, they changed the proposed destination to Liberia.Abrego Garcia was ultimately freed from immigration detention in December, but he continues to fight both his criminal charges and his deportation proceedings.At Tuesday’s hearing, Judge Xinis questioned why the Trump administration would not consider deporting Abrego Garcia to Costa Rica instead of Liberia.She pointed out that the country had recently inked an agreement to accept 25 removals from the US per week.In response, Ernesto Molina, the director of the Justice Department’s Office of Immigration Litigation, suggested that Abrego Garcia could “remove himself” to Costa Rica.But Xinis called the proposal a “fantasy” and noted that he cannot leave as long as the Justice Department is prosecuting him on criminal charges. He is legally required to attend his criminal hearings.After the tense exchange, Xinis set another hearing on the matter for April 28.

Two British nationals and a UK‑Pakistani dual national have been remanded in custody after being charged with arson for setting fire to four ambulances owned by the Jewish volunteer organisation Hatzola in Golders Green, north London.The March 23 attack destroyed the vehicles and shattered nearby windows, yet, according to the London Fire Brigade, no one was injured.Police identified the suspects as 20‑year‑old Hamza Iqbal and 19‑year‑old Rehan Khan; the third, a 17‑year‑old dual national, remains unnamed for legal reasons. All three were arrested in East London, charged with arson and “reckless endangerment,” and did not enter a plea during a 45‑minute hearing at Westminster Magistrates Court.Investigators also disclosed that a fourth person has been arrested in connection with the incident.Prime Minister Keir Starmer described the incident as a “deeply shocking antisemitic arson attack”. The Metropolitan Police are treating the case as a hate crime, with counter‑terrorism officers leading the probe, although it has not yet been classified as a terrorist offence.In response, police have pledged to increase security around Jewish community sites across London.The three defendants are scheduled to appear at London’s Central Criminal Court (the Old Bailey) on April 24.The Iran‑aligned extremist group Harakat Ashab al‑Yamin al‑Islamiya (HAYI) claimed responsibility, echoing previous attacks attributed to the group in Belgium and the Netherlands.

French authorities detained European Parliament member Rima Hassan on Thursday, accusing her of "apology for terrorism" after a social‑media post referenced Kozo Okamoto, a participant in the 1972 Ben Gurion Airport attack. The detention, reported by Le Parisien, marks a rare instance where a sitting MEP’s parliamentary immunity appears to have been set aside. According to the newspaper, Hassan had already removed the contentious post from X, but the investigation continued. Police also reported finding a small quantity of synthetic drugs in her possession during the arrest. Jean‑Luc Mélenchon, founder of the left‑wing La France Insoumise (LFI) party, condemned the move on X, stating, "There is no longer parliamentary immunity in France. Intolerable." He and other LFI colleagues argue the action is designed to silence supporters of Palestine. LFI parliamentarians Sophia Chikirou and Mathilde Panot echoed the criticism, accusing the French police and justice system of being weaponised against activists. Panot warned that President Emmanuel Macron’s France is witnessing a "new level" of criminalisation of political opponents. The controversy follows Hassan’s recent denial of entry to Canada, which she described as censorship, and a prior alert by far‑right National Rally politician Matthias Renault to Paris prosecutors about the same X post. Renault welcomed the detention, calling it "the beginning of the end of impunity for the LFI MP." Hassan, a 33‑year‑old French‑Palestinian lawyer elected to the European Parliament in 2024, is a vocal critic of Israel’s war in Gaza and participated in a Gaza‑bound flotilla intercepted by Israeli forces in October 2025. Her advocacy has repeatedly drawn ire from pro‑Israel groups across Europe. While Hassan and her legal team have not responded to Reuters’ requests for comment, the incident raises broader questions about the balance between anti‑terrorism legislation and political freedoms within the EU, especially as debates over Palestine intensify across the continent.

Irish MEP Barry Andrews toured makeshift shelters in Beirut last month, where displaced families are living on dirty mattresses and blankets and suffering from infections. The conditions, he said, are worse than during Israel’s 2024 incursion, underscoring the human cost of Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel.On returning to Dublin, Andrews became one of the first European lawmakers to urge the European Union to revive sanctions against Israel. He argued that the EU must also address state‑backed settler violence in the West Bank, attacks on health workers in Gaza, and Israel’s recent move to reinstate the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of terrorism.The EU’s leverage lies in its association agreement with Israel, a commerce and cooperation accord that underpins a €68 billion (€59 bn) trading relationship and includes cooperation on energy and scientific research. Former EU representative to the Palestinian territories, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, says the bloc should suspend this agreement, halt all military aid, and cease trade with illegal settlements, warning that inaction will further damage the EU’s reputation.Andrews described the EU’s reaction to the Iran‑Israel‑Lebanon war as “weak and pathetic,” adding that it effectively gives Israel a “permission slip for endless war crimes.” The European Commission condemned the Knesset’s death‑penalty vote as “very concerning” and a “clear step backwards,” while the Council of Europe called it a “legal anachronism” incompatible with modern human‑rights standards.Human‑rights figures note that in the past four weeks more than 1,240 people have been killed in Lebanon—including at least 124 children—and over 1.1 million have been displaced. In Gaza, the death toll has risen by 673 since the October ceasefire, bringing the total to 72,260 deaths.EU leaders have been divided on how to respond. Former Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed unprecedented sanctions last September, citing a “man‑made famine” in Gaza, but the proposal failed to secure a majority in the Council of Ministers, losing momentum after the U.S. announced a cease‑fire plan.Member states also differ: Ireland, Spain and Slovenia champion the Palestinian cause, whereas Germany, Austria and Hungary—led by Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—have resisted measures such as sanctions on West Bank settlers.Despite these divisions, a senior EU diplomat warned in mid‑March that the bloc may need to “increase pressure on Israel again,” citing the “highly problematic” situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Another diplomat highlighted the importance of engaging with Israeli civil society, noting an open letter from 600 Israeli security officials urging an end to the Gaza war.In a recent statement, a Commission spokesperson reiterated that diplomatic engagement with Israel continues, describing it as the standard approach when partners “do not see developments eye to eye.” Yet former EU envoy Kühn von Burgsdorff cautioned that the EU cannot appear as a “sidekick” to an “erratic, unreliable” U.S. president or a “warmongering, annexationist” Israeli prime minister, as such a stance would undermine Europe’s global standing.

Israel’s parliament has approved a law that authorises the death penalty solely for Palestinians convicted in West Bank military courts for what the courts define as "terrorism" killings of Israelis. The measure was greeted with celebration by far‑right politicians, yet it has drawn swift rebuke from the United Nations human‑rights chief, who warned it could constitute a war crime, and from a broad coalition of international observers.Israeli rights organisations argue that the law is the latest manifestation of an apartheid‑style legal framework that systematically privileges Jewish citizens while imposing severe penalties on Palestinians. They contend that such legislation entrenches a system of codified discrimination that has evolved since the state’s founding.Under the new rule, military tribunals in the occupied West Bank – which exclusively try Palestinians – will, by default, impose the death sentence on anyone found guilty of an unlawful killing of Israelis classified as terrorism. In contrast, Israeli citizens charged with comparable offences in the same territory are tried in civilian courts, where the death penalty is not applied.Statistics underscore the disparity: conviction rates for Palestinians in military courts hover at an astonishing 99.74%, whereas Israelis tried for crimes committed in the West Bank have a conviction rate of roughly 3% between 2005 and 2024. These figures highlight the stark imbalance in judicial outcomes.Arab‑Israeli lawmaker Aida Touma‑Suleiman of the Hadash party expressed her dismay, leaving the parliamentary chamber after the vote and stating she anticipated “scenes of happiness” from far‑right figures but was “painful” to see the public echo the same sentiment.The law follows a series of statutes that critics say have progressively eroded Palestinian rights, including the 1950 Absentees’ Property Law, the 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and the 2018 Nation‑State Law, which enshrines Jewish supremacy in identity, settlement policy, and constitutional hierarchy while marginalising Arabic.Human‑rights advocate Yair Dvir of B’Tselem described Israel as an “apartheid regime,” noting that a “whole set of laws” differentiate between Jews and Palestinians and that the death‑penalty legislation is less an outlier than a logical extension of existing policies that deny Palestinians the right to life.Analysts argue that the dehumanisation of Palestinians has deepened to the point where capital punishment can be enacted with minimal dissent and even public celebration by parliamentarians.Physician‑rights activist Tirza Leibowitz of Physicians for Human Rights – Israel warned that the law exemplifies a broader pattern of violations, ranging from inhumane prison conditions to a legal system that often refuses to investigate crimes against Palestinians or actively shields abusive practices.She cited the unresolved deaths of more than 100 Palestinians in the West Bank since the October 2023 Gaza conflict, highlighting the case of 17‑year‑old Walid Ahmad, whose death by starvation in custody was ruled “undeterminable” by an Israeli judge, as evidence of the low value placed on Palestinian lives.Leibowitz also pointed to the recent dropping of charges against soldiers accused of sexual abuse at Sde Temain prison, noting that far‑right protesters, including lawmakers, rallied in support of the accused, further normalising systemic abuse.Touma‑Suleiman linked the new law to the 2018 Nation‑State legislation, recalling a confrontation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in which he dismissed her criticism, insisting Israel remains “the Middle East’s only democracy.” She later observed that far‑right leader Itamar Ben‑Gvir has openly chanted “Death to Arabs,” rebranding it as “Death to terrorists,” thereby blurring the line between extremist rhetoric and state policy.Overall, the death‑penalty law is being portrayed by critics as a stark illustration of an entrenched apartheid system, raising serious questions about Israel’s adherence to international legal standards and the future of Palestinian rights under occupation.

Shops, universities and public institutions across the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem shuttered on Wednesday as Palestinians launched a coordinated strike to denounce a newly passed Israeli law that makes the death penalty the default sentence for Palestinians convicted of deadly attacks by military courts. Hundreds gathered in Ramallah, chanting against the legislation championed by far‑right National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir. Demonstrators brandished signs reading “Stop the law to execute prisoners, before it’s too late”, featuring a graphic of a prisoner in a keffiyeh beside a noose. Similar protests unfolded in Nablus, where participants warned that “time is running out,” and in Anata, northeast of Jerusalem’s Old City, where Israeli soldiers compelled striking shop owners to reopen their businesses. The strike was called by President Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah party the previous day, reflecting widespread anger that “there isn’t a single person here without a brother, husband, son or neighbour in prison,” said 53‑year‑old psychologist Riman, who asked that her surname not be disclosed. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, condemned the measure, stating that its application to residents of the occupied Palestinian territory would amount to a war crime. According to the AFP, more than 9,500 Palestinians are currently detained in Israeli prisons, including 350 children and 73 women. Human‑rights groups on both sides allege detainees suffer torture, starvation and medical neglect, contributing to dozens of deaths. The law, approved by the Knesset late on Monday, stipulates that Palestinians tried in military courts for “terrorism‑related” deadly attacks face capital punishment as the default outcome. Because Palestinians in the West Bank are automatically tried in military courts, the statute creates a separate, harsher legal track compared with Israeli civilians, who face either death or life imprisonment for comparable offenses. While the legislation is not retroactive, critics argue it entrenches a system of unequal justice. Social‑media posts showed tyres burning at the busy Qalandia checkpoint, a key entry point into Israel via Jerusalem. The Palestinian news agency WAFA reported that Israeli forces responded with rubber‑coated bullets, stun grenades and tear‑gas, though no injuries were confirmed. Violence in the West Bank has intensified since Israel’s war in Gaza began in October 2023, a conflict that has claimed over 72,000 lives. The latest law and the ensuing protests underscore the deepening legal and humanitarian rift between Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories.

Dr. Mahrang Baloch, a 30-year-old human rights activist, has endured a year of solitary confinement in a Pakistani jail cell. Her unwavering commitment to the Baloch people's rights has only strengthened despite the isolation.Confined to a small, bare cell with limited access to books and exercise, Mahrang has found ways to cope. She spends her days studying politics and reading books that remind her of a world beyond her prison walls. Her resolve has been tested, but not broken.The physical toll of her imprisonment is evident. Mahrang suffers from severe back and joint pain, which has prevented her from exercising. In February, she was hospitalized and diagnosed with a slipped disc and radiculopathy. Yet, she continues to advocate for her people's rights.Mahrang's family has also been targeted for her activism. Her cousin, Salal Baloch, was forcibly disappeared, and her 19-year-old cousin, Saifullah Baloch, remains missing. Her brother faces strict monitoring and harassment from the counter-terrorism department.Despite these challenges, Mahrang remains committed to peaceful resistance. She believes that the state's violence and collective punishment will not deter her or the Baloch people from demanding their rights. The BYC has documented over 1,200 cases of enforced disappearances in Balochistan in 2025 alone.Mahrang's story highlights the ongoing human rights crisis in Balochistan. Her courage and conviction serve as a beacon of hope for the Baloch people and human rights activists worldwide.