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Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

British Airways announced that, when it resumes operations in July, its Middle East timetable will be significantly scaled back, with a portion of the freed‑up fleet redirected to launch additional direct services to India and Kenya. The carrier has suspended all flights to the region following the outbreak of the Iran‑related war. It plans to restart flights to Riyadh in mid‑May and to reopen routes to Dubai, Doha and Tel Aviv on 1 July. However, the airline will reduce Dubai flights from three to one per day and cut the frequency to Doha, Tel Aviv and Riyadh from two daily services to a single flight each. In a permanent move, BA will drop Jeddah as a destination from 24 April. Service to Bahrain and Amman will remain on hold until 25 October, while flights to Larnaca, Cyprus are slated to return on 22 May. Speaking on the adjustments, BA said, “Given the ongoing situation in the Middle East, we have revised our schedule to give customers clearer options. We continue to monitor the situation closely and are in direct contact with affected passengers to provide alternatives.” Since the conflict began, the airline has facilitated the repatriation of thousands of travelers, operated humanitarian relief flights, and increased capacity on key long‑haul sectors. Looking ahead, BA will deploy larger aircraft on its Delhi route from 1 June and similarly upscale the Hyderabad service. The summer schedule will also see additional daily flights to Bengaluru and Nairobi through late October. Further expansion includes new flights to Delhi and Mumbai, a development first reported by the Financial Times, underscoring BA’s strategy to offset reduced Middle East capacity with growth in high‑demand Asian and African markets.

Russia has officially confirmed that 16 Cameroonian soldiers have been killed while fighting in its ongoing war against Ukraine. This marks the first time Cameroon has publicly discussed the involvement of its nationals in the conflict.In a statement broadcast on state media, the Foreign Ministry of Cameroon urged the families of the deceased to contact officials in the capital city of Yaounde. A diplomatic note referred to the deceased as 'military contractors of Cameroonian nationality' operating in a special military operation zone, a term Russia uses to describe Ukraine.The confirmation comes amid reports of foreigners from various nations being pulled into Russia's invasion forces. Cameroon has warned its citizens against taking part in foreign conflicts, and its defence minister has expressed concern about soldiers leaving the country to join the war in Ukraine.Ukraine has reported that over 1,700 Africans are fighting for Russia, though analysts believe the true figure may be higher. Several African countries have reported that their citizens have been tricked into fighting for Russia with promises of lucrative jobs or skills training.Other nations have also reported citizens being recruited to fight in Ukraine. For example, Kenya's parliament was presented with an intelligence report stating that 1,000 Kenyans were recruited after being misled with false promises of jobs. Two Nigerians were killed late last year while fighting for Russia, according to Ukraine's intelligence agency.Russian authorities have denied illegally recruiting African citizens to fight in Ukraine. However, young men from South Asia have also joined the Russian army after being promised lucrative salaries and benefits. At least 202 Indian nationals have been recruited, with at least 26 killed, according to India's Foreign Ministry.

Amid growing international focus on the Iran‑Israel conflict, Israel is pressing ahead with a systematic annexation of the West Bank, centred on the contentious E1 settlement project. The plan envisions the construction of 3,400 new homes on Palestinian land, a move designed to split the territory and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has publicly condemned the annexation drive, labeling the E1 scheme illegal. Although the war in Iran and Israel’s military actions in southern Lebanon have delayed the release of construction tenders, officials confirm that the tenders will be issued on 1 June. Criticism from the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy has so far failed to deter the Israeli government, which appears accustomed to rhetorical rebukes without concrete repercussions. As former EU officials note, the Union has yet to leverage its economic and diplomatic weight to stop the settlement expansion. The British Prime Minister has reaffirmed the stance of the International Court of Justice, declaring the 1967 occupation of Gaza, East Jerusalem and the West Bank unlawful. This follows the United Kingdom’s formal recognition of the State of Palestine last year, alongside France, Canada and Australia. Given its historic ties and recent diplomatic recognitions, the UK is uniquely positioned to galvanise European and Commonwealth partners. Experts propose a three‑pronged approach: first, issue a clear warning that any contractor involved in designing, building or financing the E1 settlement jeopardises its commercial interests with the UK; second, impose a comprehensive ban on UK trade in goods, services and investment linked to the settlements; and third, suspend the trade concessions granted under the UK‑Israel trade and partnership agreement for breaching its human‑rights provisions. New Prime Minister Keir Starmer is urged to embed these measures within a broader strategy to strengthen European cooperation, champion equal rights, and secure mutual security for Israelis and Palestinians. Without enforceable consequences, the illegal settlement programme is likely to expand, heightening the risk of further violence. Vincent Fean – former consul‑general in JerusalemDavid Hannay – former UN ambassadorAnn Grant – former high commissioner to South AfricaEmyr Jones Parry – former UN ambassadorDavid Manning – former US ambassadorDavid Richmond – former FCO director generalPeter Westmacott – former US ambassadorJeremy Greenstock – former UN ambassadorFrances Guy – former Lebanon ambassadorPeter Millett – former Jordan ambassadorDerek Plumbly – former Egypt ambassadorEdward Clay – former Kenya high commissionerTony Brenton – former Russia ambassadorWilliam Patey – former Afghanistan ambassadorColin Budd – former Netherlands ambassadorAnthony Cary – former Canada high commissionerAlan Charlton – former Brazil ambassadorEdward Chaplin – former Iraq and Jordan ambassadorPeter Collecott – former Brazil ambassadorRichard Dalton – former Iran ambassadorMichael Hone – former Iceland ambassadorNicholas Hopton – former Iran ambassadorPeter Jenkins – former UN (Vienna) ambassadorRupert Joy – former EU ambassador to MoroccoRobin Kealy – former Tunisia ambassadorRobin Lamb – former Bahrain ambassadorAnthony Layden – former Morocco ambassadorRichard Makepeace – former UAE ambassadorMark Matthews – former Chad ambassadorRichard Northern – former Libya ambassadorChristopher Segar – former Iraq ambassadorAdrian Sindall – former Syria ambassador

Matildas captain Sam Kerr is set to leave Chelsea FC at the end of the Women's Super League season to join expansion club Denver Summit in the United States.Kerr's future at Chelsea had been uncertain, with her contract expiring at the end of the season and little discussion of a new deal. The 32-year-old has won the Women's Super League title five times and three FA Cups with Chelsea.According to reports, Kerr has signed with Denver Summit, a significant coup for the ambitious new club. The move would mark Kerr's return to the US, where she previously played for Western New York Flash, Sky Blue FC, and Chicago Red Stars.Kerr has an American wife, former US international Kristie Mewis, and her signing would be a boon for Denver Summit, which counts US ski star Mikaela Shiffrin and NFL great Peyton Manning among its owners.The news was met with a statement from Kerr herself, who refuted the report on Snapchat, saying: “Don’t believe everything you read in the media man, they know a decision before me.” Chelsea FC subsequently retweeted her response.Kerr's potential move comes as she prepares to captain the Matildas in a pair of international friendlies in Kenya later this month.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

Kenya's tea industry is experiencing a severe crisis as a result of the escalating tensions between the United States and Israel against Iran. The conflict has significantly impacted the global economy, and Kenya's tea sector is no exception. The US-Israeli war on Iran has led to increased uncertainty and volatility in the global market, affecting Kenya's tea exports. As one of the world's largest tea producers, Kenya relies heavily on international trade for its tea. The crisis has raised concerns about the future of Kenya's tea industry, which is a significant contributor to the country's economy. The industry provides employment opportunities for thousands of Kenyans and generates substantial revenue for the government. The situation is being closely monitored by industry stakeholders and government officials, who are working to mitigate the effects of the crisis on the tea sector. Potential solutions and strategies are being explored to help Kenya's tea industry recover and stabilize in the face of this challenge.

The United States has been proposing unusual bilateral health agreements to developing countries, mostly in Africa, in exchange for access to sensitive health data and critical minerals. These deals have sparked concerns of exploitation and have been met with resistance from several countries.In November, the US approached Zimbabwean authorities with a proposal that would have provided over $300m in funding in return for sensitive health data. However, Harare felt that the negotiations were 'lopsided' and promptly pulled out.Zambia also pushed back against a similar proposal, citing 'problematic' clauses that sought access to the country's minerals, including copper, cobalt, and lithium. The US had offered $1bn in funding over five years, but Lusaka requested a review of the proposal.Several African countries, including Nigeria and Kenya, have signed the health pacts, but the terms agreed remain unclear.Data or mineral demands in return for health aid are unprecedented in the history of US-Africa relations. Policy experts argue that tying crucial funding to sensitive national assets could have negative consequences for African nations and the US itself.'Supporting global health has clear benefits to the United States in terms of prevention of pandemics that can affect Americans too,' said Sarang Shidore, Africa director at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. 'Linking such aid to payoffs in the extraction of critical minerals smacks of exploitative practices.'African nations have long relied on US funding to foot many of their health bills. In 2024, African countries received $5.4bn in US assistance, largely spent on humanitarian, health, and disaster needs.However, the US has argued that aid cuts suit its America First agenda, which prioritizes national interests. The stance has been met with criticism, with some economists arguing that aid is often ineffective and causes overreliance.Washington is now focused on government-to-government deals, which have typically required governments to take on an increasing share of their own health budgets in the next four to five years.Some analysts see this as a positive move to reduce overdependence on foreign funding and force governments to prioritize health spending in their budgets. However, the clauses that Washington is demanding to leverage its aid for data, rare earth elements, and other minerals have caused widespread outrage in some countries.In the case of Zambia, the US reportedly asked for access to the country's critical minerals in return for $1bn over five years. The US also asked for a one-way data-sharing agreement for 10 years.If Lusaka fails to ink a deal, US aid funding to the country will be discontinued, which could mean losing the remnants of funding Zambia still receives from the PEPFAR programme.

Kenyan marathon runner Albert Korir, the 2021 New York City Marathon champion, has been handed a five-year doping ban by the Athletics Integrity Unit (AIU). Korir admitted to using a banned performance-enhancing drug, specifically the synthetic form of erythropoietin (EPO), which stimulates red blood cell production.The ban, which runs from January 8 until January 7, 2031, was reduced from six years due to Korir's early admission and acceptance of the sanction. The 32-year-old athlete tested positive during out-of-competition tests in Kenya in October.Korir has had a notable career, winning the 2021 New York marathon in a time of 2 hours, 8 minutes, and 22 seconds. He also came third in the 2023 New York marathon with a personal best time of 2:06:57. Additionally, he won the Ottawa Marathon in 2019 and 2025.This sanction comes as part of Kenya's ongoing efforts to clean up its image in athletics, following a string of doping scandals. Over 140 Kenyan runners, mainly long-distance athletes, have been sanctioned for drugs offences since the 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympics. Recently, Kenya handed out its first lifetime ban to marathon runner Beatrice Toroitich and a six-year ban to 10km record holder Rhonex Kipruto in June 2024.