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Why does the war in Sudan persist three years after it began? According to the latest episode of Al Jazeera’s podcast The Take, the answer lies in the network of external actors that continue to fund and arm the warring factions – the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). The episode, hosted by journalist Malika Bilal and featuring political analyst Dallia Abdelmoniem, explores how regional and global rivalries have turned Sudan into a proxy battleground. With the United States and Israel engaged in a broader confrontation with Iran, and tensions in the Strait of Hormuz inflating oil prices, the cost of fuel and food in Sudan has surged, worsening an already dire famine situation. Key insights from the discussion include: Foreign financing and arms supplies keep both the SAF and RSF operational, preventing a decisive military outcome. US‑Israel‑Iran dynamics divert international attention and resources, allowing the Sudanese conflict to fester. Rising global fuel prices driven by Strait of Hormuz instability increase transport costs, making humanitarian aid more expensive and less accessible. Food price spikes exacerbate famine risk for millions of displaced Sudanese, deepening the humanitarian crisis. The podcast also notes that without a coordinated diplomatic push to address the external backers and the broader geopolitical tensions, a sustainable cease‑fire remains unlikely. Production credits go to Tamara Khandaker (producer), with contributions from Noor Wazwaz, Sari el‑Khalili, Spencer Cline, Chloe K Li, and Tuleen Barakat. Editing was handled by Alexandra Locke, while Alex Roldan provided sound design and Hisham Abu Salah and Mohannad al‑Melhem managed video editing. Listeners can follow the conversation and future episodes on X, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube.

In a decisive statement, Hezbollah announced its refusal to support Lebanon’s plan for direct negotiations with Israel. The Lebanese political faction, which wields considerable influence over the country’s security and foreign policy, warned that any such talks would contradict its stance on resistance against Israeli policies. The rejection underscores deep‑seated divisions within Lebanon’s political landscape, where Hezbollah’s position often counters moves toward rapprochement with Israel. Analysts note that the group’s opposition could delay or derail potential diplomatic initiatives aimed at easing long‑standing hostilities in the region. By dismissing the prospect of direct dialogue, Hezbollah signals that any future peace‑building efforts will likely need to navigate around its strategic priorities. This development adds another layer of complexity to an already volatile Middle‑East environment, where external actors and internal factions continuously shape the prospects for stability.

The United States is exploring multiple avenues to broker a ceasefire and bring an end to the conflict. According to John Feehery, there are seven key approaches that America can take to achieve this goal. Diplomatic engagement is crucial, involving direct talks with conflicting parties to negotiate a peaceful resolution. The US can leverage its global influence to facilitate dialogue and foster an environment conducive to compromise. Another strategy involves economic incentives, where the US offers financial benefits to parties that agree to a ceasefire. This approach can motivate warring factions to consider peace as a viable option. International cooperation is also vital, as the US can work with other nations and international organizations to apply collective pressure on conflicting parties. This collaborative effort can enhance the credibility and effectiveness of ceasefire negotiations. The US can also employ military de-escalation tactics, aimed at reducing tensions and creating a conducive environment for peace talks. By demonstrating a commitment to de-escalation, the US can build trust with conflicting parties. Furthermore, humanitarian assistance can play a critical role in supporting affected populations and demonstrating the US's commitment to alleviating human suffering. This approach can help create a positive atmosphere for ceasefire discussions. Strategic communication is another essential strategy, involving clear and consistent messaging to conflicting parties, regional stakeholders, and the international community. Effective communication can help manage expectations and promote a unified approach to peace. Lastly, the US can focus on post-conflict reconstruction, offering support for rebuilding and development once a ceasefire is in place. This long-term perspective can encourage parties to commit to a lasting peace.

In a decisive session held on 12 April 2026, the Iraqi parliament elected a new head of state, signaling a fresh chapter in the nation’s governance. The vote, conducted under the country’s constitutional framework, reflects the parliament’s role in steering Iraq’s political direction. The appointment comes at a time when Iraq is navigating complex internal reforms and external diplomatic challenges. Choosing a new president is expected to impact the balance of power among Iraq’s major political factions and could affect the country’s relationships with neighboring states. While the identity of the elected president was not disclosed in the source material, the parliamentary decision underscores the importance of legislative consensus in Iraq’s democratic process. Observers note that the outcome may influence upcoming policy debates, especially those related to security, economic reconstruction, and foreign investment. Analysts suggest that the new presidency could either consolidate existing alliances or introduce shifts in Iraq’s strategic priorities, depending on how the elected leader navigates the nation’s pressing challenges.

Moldova is facing a severe environmental crisis after an oil spill in the Nistru river, which provides 80% of the country's drinking water. The spill was caused by Russia's attack on Ukraine's Novodnistrovsk hydropower complex on March 13. The attack has led to a significant contamination of the river, with oil slicks detected over 200 km downstream.The Moldovan government has declared an environmental alert and set up a crisis centre to monitor the spill and remove the pollutant. The government has also received support from European allies, including Romania and Poland, which have sent help to prevent the petrol from streaming downwards towards Chișinău.The oil spill has had a significant impact on local residents, with many struggling to access clean drinking water. Inflation in Moldova rose to 35% in 2022 and is currently around 5%, and the country has had to declare a state of energy emergency after Russia attacked the Isaccea–Vulcănești power line in Ukraine.The crisis has also highlighted the vulnerability of Moldova's water supply to attacks from Russia and the chaos caused by its war on Ukraine. Moldova's president, Maia Sandu, has laid the blame squarely on Moscow, saying Russia bears 'full responsibility' for the oil spill.The environmental disaster has sparked an information war between Moldova's pro-European and pro-Russian factions, with conflicting interpretations of the crisis. While Moldova's pro-European government holds Moscow responsible for the spill, pro-Russian propagandists claim the crisis was an accident caused by a Ukrainian truck.The Nistru oil spill has shown Moldova how exposed it is, and how fragile a society can become without access to clean drinking water. The war next door, combined with the climate crisis, give us little reason to think there won't be another ecological disaster like this.

Vice President JD Vance warned Iran that jeopardising the US‑Iran ceasefire over Lebanon would be "dumb", emphasizing that the United States expects the truce to remain intact despite Tehran’s frustrations. Pakistan, which brokered the two‑week ceasefire, publicly stated that Lebanon is part of the agreement. Vance, speaking to reporters in Hungary, countered that the United States does not consider Israel’s ongoing strikes on Lebanon as covered by the ceasefire. "If Iran wants to let this negotiation fall apart – in a conflict where they were getting hammered – over Lebanon, which has nothing to do with them and which the United States never once said was part of the ceasefire, that’s ultimately their choice," Vance said, adding, "We think that would be dumb, but that’s their choice." Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi echoed Pakistan’s position, highlighting Lebanon in his repost of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s statement and asserting that the ceasefire terms are clear: the US must choose either a ceasefire or continued war via Israel. President Donald Trump and the White House, however, maintain that Lebanon was not part of the deal. Vance dismissed the contradictory messages as a "misunderstanding" and "bad faith propaganda," suggesting the Iranians mistakenly believed Lebanon was included. The lack of a clear explanation from US officials leaves observers questioning how such a misunderstanding could arise amid high‑stakes diplomacy. Israel’s track record of breaching ceasefires dates back to the November 2024 truce with Lebanon. On Wednesday, Israeli air strikes in Lebanon killed at least 254 people and injured more than 1,100, marking one of the deadliest assaults in the 15‑month conflict. Vance indicated that Israel has signaled a willingness to temper its operations in Lebanon, stating the Israelis have "committed to check themselves a little bit in Lebanon" to ensure the US‑Iran negotiations stay on track. The broader conflict intensified in early March after Hezbollah launched rockets in retaliation for Israeli attacks and the killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Hezbollah now faces internal pressure from rival factions accusing it of dragging Lebanon into war on Iran’s behalf. Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) issued a stark warning: if Israeli aggression against Lebanon does not cease immediately, the IRGC will deliver a "regretful response" to what it called "evil aggressors" in the region.

Opening new oil and gas fields in the North Sea would send a shock wave around the world, senior climate diplomats warned, saying the move would imperil international climate targets, erode the United Kingdom’s reputation as a climate leader and embolden developing countries to exploit their own fossil‑fuel reserves.The UK government faces intense lobbying from the oil industry, Conservative MPs, Nigel Farage’s Reform UK party, certain trade unions and factions within the Treasury. Yet research shows that new drilling would do little to lower energy prices and would have almost no impact on gas imports.Two of the remaining large North Sea prospects – the Rosebank and Jackdaw fields – sit in a basin that is over 90% depleted and increasingly costly to develop. Even if fully exploited, they would displace only about 1% and 2% of the UK’s gas imports respectively, according to recent analysis.Senior figures in international climate diplomacy described the prospect of new drilling as dangerous for global emissions‑reduction efforts and a step back from the phase‑out of fossil fuels.Lord Nicolas Stern, professor at the London School of Economics, warned that “new drilling and a slowdown in climate action would be bad for growth and for energy security in the UK, and a damaging signal for the world.” He added that the UK’s pioneering climate legislation and its role as the first G7 nation to commit to net‑zero by 2050 give its actions “extra weight” on the global stage.An anonymous senior African negotiator reacted angrily to the proposal, stating that Africa would “reject any proposal for the UK to expand oil drilling” because it is “fundamentally inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the Paris Agreement” and would “weaken trust with climate‑vulnerable nations”.Christiana Figueres, former UN climate chief and co‑founder of the Global Optimism think‑tank, argued that true energy independence lies in “scaling clean, domestic energy, not in extending the life of declining industries”. She cautioned that reverting to old‑fashioned oil expansion would lock in infrastructure at odds with the direction of the global energy system.The UK has been a vocal supporter of an upcoming conference in Colombia on the “transition away from fossil fuels”, a pledge made three years ago at COP28 that remains largely unfulfilled. However, the Guardian learned that Ed Miliband, the UK secretary of state for energy security and net‑zero, will not attend; the government’s climate envoy, Rachel Kyte, will travel in his place.Campaigners had urged Miliband’s presence, citing his pivotal role in securing a last‑minute deal at COP30 in Brazil last November.Experts caution that licensing new fields before the Colombian summit could undermine progress in persuading developing nations to forgo fossil‑fuel‑based economies and adopt cleaner energy pathways.Mohamed Adow, director of the Power Shift Africa think‑tank, warned that a UK approval would “send a shock wave around the world that short‑term interests are being prioritised over long‑term responsibility”. He stressed that many African countries are being asked to leapfrog to clean energy with limited financial support, and that wealthy nations continuing to invest in fossil fuels “undermine this message and diminish their credibility”.Several developing‑country officials echoed this concern, asking, “Why shouldn’t we tap into our own fossil‑fuel resources if the UK is doing so?” They argued that leadership on climate must be consistent with actions.An ally of Miliband praised the UK’s stance, calling “no new exploration licences” a “landmark global leadership position” that shows a major oil‑producing country can align policy with climate science to avoid a 3‑4°C warming scenario.A government spokesperson reaffirmed the administration’s commitment, stating that the UK has placed “clean energy and climate at the heart of its agenda”, and that it will continue to “stop issuing licences to explore new fields, in line with the science and in securing a just transition in the North Sea”.

President Donald Trump told Fox News host Trey Yingst that the United States had dispatched a substantial cache of firearms to Iranian protesters, routing them through Kurdish groups. He said, “We sent them a lot of guns. We sent them to the Kurds,” and added that the Kurds likely kept the weapons. This admission lends weight to Tehran’s long‑standing narrative that the December‑January demonstrations were not spontaneous but were driven by “foreign‑backed terrorists.” Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has repeatedly blamed the United States and Israel for hijacking the economic unrest that began on December 28, when Tehran shopkeepers protested the plunging rial. The protests quickly spread nationwide, drawing hundreds of thousands onto the streets. Rights groups and the United Nations report that at least 5,000 people were killed, with some estimates suggesting the death toll could rise to 20,000. The crackdown also saw thousands arrested and an internet blackout imposed to conceal the violence. As the US‑Israel war on Iran entered its 38th day, official tallies record 2,076 deaths and over 26,000 injuries across the country. Despite Trump’s statements, several Kurdish opposition groups have categorically denied receiving any U.S. weapons. A senior official of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) told Iraqi broadcaster Rudaw that the claims were “baseless,” noting that their armaments are decades‑old and sourced locally. The Komala Party issued a similar denial. Analysts caution that Trump’s remarks are difficult to verify. Neil Quilliam of the United Kingdom’s Chatham House said the comments “reveal nothing material” and may reflect Trump’s personal rhetoric more than concrete policy. Nonetheless, such statements could undermine the cohesion of Iranian opposition groups and influence international perceptions of the conflict. In the broader geopolitical context, the United States has framed its February 28 strikes—carried out jointly with Israel—as a response to Iran’s nuclear program and as a means to “free” Iranians from the Islamic Republic’s repression. Trump linked the military action directly to the protests, claiming Tehran had “killed tens of thousands of its own citizens on the street as they protested.” While Kurdish factions continue to advocate for peaceful, civil protest methods, the U.S. and Israeli governments have not yet committed to ground operations in Iran. Opposition Democrats in the U.S. Congress remain skeptical of any escalation involving troops. Overall, Trump’s confirmation of arms shipments adds a new layer to the already complex narrative surrounding the Iranian protests, the US‑Israel military campaign, and the broader struggle for influence in the region.

In a scene reminiscent of Henry James’s observation that the only certainty with a young American abroad is surprise, the current US president continues to bewilder European partners with erratic statements.President Trump has publicly ridiculed British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and the Royal Navy as feeble, mocked French President Emmanuel Macron over personal matters, urged allies to secure their own oil supplies, and declared that withdrawing the United States from NATO is "beyond reconsideration". These comments come as the conflict in Iran, ignited by Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, drags on without a clear resolution, fueling his domestic political anxieties.European officials responded not with shock but with weary irritation, noting that Trump’s unpredictability is now a permanent feature of US policy, steering the continent away from the liberal international order. Analysts warn that NATO’s credibility is eroding, turning the alliance into a "paper tiger" even as Russian President Vladimir Putin watches closely.Britain, hoping to serve as a diplomatic conduit between Washington and Brussels, finds its position increasingly precarious. Post‑Brexit economic vulnerabilities and the looming state visit of King Charles to the United States offer little strategic gain and risk becoming a diplomatic embarrassment.Prime Minister Starmer has deliberately avoided direct confrontation with Trump, instead pledging to deepen the United Kingdom’s economic and security ties with the European Union. This shift aims to reassure Labour factions leaning toward the Liberal Democrats and Greens, while also hoping that shared security concerns will coax European capitals into offering more robust economic support.In a world where traditional alliances are fraying, European leaders face mounting pressure to forge genuine security cooperation rather than merely increasing defence spending. The consensus is clear: delay is no longer an option for Europe to secure its own future.