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Turkey’s leadership sees the fallout from the Iran‑U.S. confrontation as a chance to rebrand the country as a secure gateway for capital flowing from the Gulf, even as the war has pushed up local fuel costs and forced the state to tap foreign‑exchange reserves to support the lira. While Iranian missiles have battered infrastructure in the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, Turkey—shielded by NATO air defenses—has largely escaped direct attacks, allowing Ankara to promote a narrative of security and stability for businesses. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has openly framed the regional crisis as a catalyst for Turkey’s ambition to elevate Istanbul into a premier global financial centre. In a recent social‑media statement he echoed the sentiment that, just as the pandemic opened new opportunities, the current geopolitical shock will "open new doors" for the nation. Finance Minister Mehmet Şimşek confirmed that the government is drafting "radical" incentive packages aimed at attracting foreign capital, though details remain under wraps. Experts say the proposed measures could include tax exemptions for firms that route commodity trades through Turkish entities without physically importing goods, offering a meaningful fiscal advantage over traditional Gulf intermediaries. "A liberal investment climate, streamlined entry procedures and comprehensive incentives could boost Turkey’s standing," said Bilal Bağış, head of economics at Fatih Sultan Mehmet Vakıf University. The outlook is reinforced by the recent launch of the Istanbul Financial Center (IFC) in 2023, which promises a 100 % corporate‑tax exemption on export earnings until 2031. IFC officials report growing interest from both private firms and sovereign investors, especially from East Asian economies. "We are in close dialogue with Japan, South Korea and the United Kingdom," an IFC spokesperson told Al Jazeera, highlighting Istanbul’s "triple advantage" of geography, innovation and economic depth, with a claim that the city can reach 1.3 billion people and a $30 trillion market within a four‑hour flight. Nevertheless, Istanbul still lags behind regional rivals. The latest Global Financial Centres Index places it at 101st, far behind Dubai (7), Abu Dhabi (21), Doha (48) and Riyadh (61). The gap reflects persistent challenges: double‑digit inflation, a lira that loses roughly 20 % of its value against the dollar each year, and concerns over policy predictability. Analysts warn that without addressing structural issues—such as high bureaucracy, legal uncertainty and imported inflation—Turkey’s bid to become a financial hub may remain aspirational. "The math gets complicated fast for firms earning in multiple currencies while paying salaries in a depreciating lira," noted Gulf‑based adviser Güney Yıldız. Occupancy at the IFC is still below half, though officials aim for a 75 % fill rate by year‑end. Critics argue that Istanbul lacks the "tabula rasa" appeal of Dubai, where regulatory frameworks can be more readily shaped to investor preferences. Some scholars suggest that Turkey should view its strategy as a gradual positioning rather than a direct showdown with Dubai. Finance professor Hasan Dincer emphasized that long‑term investor confidence hinges on predictability and transparent policy, noting that the success of initiatives like the IFC will depend on sustained implementation.

Saudi Arabia has withdrawn its bid to host the 2035 Rugby World Cup as a result of the Public Investment Fund's (PIF) new financial strategy, prioritizing projects with potential returns. The country's sports minister, Prince Abdulaziz bin Turki al-Faisal, had expressed interest in bidding for the tournament last year, but no expression of interest was submitted to World Rugby.The PIF's 'value realization' phase of its Vision 2030 economic plan, published recently, has led to the decision to put rugby aspirations on hold. This shift in focus will impact various projects, including LIV Golf, which will see its funding withdrawn next year.While Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, such as Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, had considered a joint bid, it has not materialized. World Rugby's bidding process is ongoing, with countries like Argentina, Japan, and Spain having submitted initial expressions of interest.The decision to step away from the Rugby World Cup bid was made before the conflict in Iran began, and the PIF governor, Yasir al-Rumayyan, confirmed that all spending projects are being reviewed. The PIF will continue to invest in sports but will focus on domestic projects, such as infrastructure related to the 2034 football World Cup and the Formula One track near Riyadh.

Cricket Australia (CA) has yet to secure the backing of two pivotal state bodies for its proposal to sell minority stakes in Big Bash League (BBL) franchises, casting doubt on the timeline for a major private‑investment push.Cricket NSW chief executive Lee Germon publicly rejected the plan on Wednesday, confirming that the Sydney Thunder and Sydney Sixers will not participate in any valuation process overseen by CA.CA chief executive Todd Greenberg responded that the consultation with states is ongoing and that the organisation remains “open to discussing any questions or concerns” while emphasizing a “respectful and collaborative” approach.The Australian body aims to emulate the UK’s The Hundred model, where the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) auctioned franchises last year for £520 million (≈ $1 billion). CA’s proposal would allow up to 49% of each state‑run BBL team to be sold, with potential valuations of as much as $200 million per club, potentially generating a half‑billion‑dollar windfall.Proceeds would be split between an immediate cash injection to the state associations and ongoing annual payments, while a portion would seed a future development fund for Australian cricket.Germon warned that external investors could introduce goals misaligned with the existing cricket ecosystem, describing the current system as “working very effectively and very well now.” He highlighted risks of “external investors who will not have aligned goals with the states or Cricket Australia.”Meanwhile, Cricket Queensland chief executive Terry Svenson said no final decision has been made, noting the board is awaiting further clarification from CA on several points before reaching a verdict.Facing pushback, Cricket NSW is exploring an alternative financing strategy that sidesteps equity sales. The plan focuses on boosting revenue through ticket yields, attendance, commercial sponsorships, and wagering partnerships, aiming to fund the BBL’s growth without relinquishing club ownership.When asked about the increasing reliance on gambling revenue, Germon acknowledged that wagering is already part of cricket’s commercial mix and that its role will be reassessed as part of the broader funding discussion.CA’s ambition arrives amid rising competition from emerging T20 leagues in South Africa and the United Arab Emirates, which are vying for players and audience attention during Australia’s traditional summer window.

On the first day of the US blockade on Iranian ports, at least three vessels, including two US-sanctioned tankers, successfully transited the Strait of Hormuz into the Gulf. According to shipping data, these vessels were not bound for Iranian ports, thus avoiding the impact of the blockade.A Panama-flagged medium-range tanker, Peace Gulf, was headed to Hamriyah port in the United Arab Emirates. Data from LSEG and Kpler showed that the vessel typically transports Iranian naphtha, a petrochemical feedstock, to other non-Iranian ports in the Middle East for export to Asia.Two US-sanctioned tankers, Murlikishan and Rich Starry, also navigated through the strait. Murlikishan, a handy tanker, was set to load fuel oil in Iraq on Thursday. The vessel, previously known as MKA, has a history of transporting Russian and Iranian oil. Rich Starry, a medium-range tanker carrying about 250,000 barrels of methanol, was the first sanctioned tanker to exit the Gulf since the blockade began. The tanker and its owner, Shanghai Xuanrun Shipping Co Ltd, were sanctioned by the US for dealing with Iran.The US blockade was announced by President Donald Trump on Sunday, following the collapse of peace talks between the US and Iran in Islamabad. The blockade aims to restrict Iran's control over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical route for global energy shipments. Iran had previously halted traffic through the strait in response to US-Israeli attacks, causing a spike in global gas and petrol prices.The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs criticized the US move, calling it 'dangerous and irresponsible' and warning that it would escalate tensions and undermine the fragile ceasefire agreement. China, which imports over half of its oil from the Middle East, especially Iran, expressed concerns about the impact on oil supplies.Despite the blockade, there are still prospects for a diplomatic breakthrough. Trump indicated that Iran still has an opportunity to strike a deal, and a Pakistani official stated that the country is willing to host peace talks.

On Tuesday, shipping data from LSEG and Kpler confirmed that at least three tankers entered the Gulf via the Strait of Hormuz, including the Panama‑flagged Peace Gulf, which is bound for Hamriyah port in the United Arab Emirates. Earlier that day, two U.S.–sanctioned vessels, the Rich Starry and the Elpis, also transited the waterway. Because none of these ships were destined for Iranian ports, they remain exempt from the U.S. blockade that began on Monday. The U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that, as of 10 a.m. ET (14:00 GMT) on Monday, a naval blockade was in effect against all maritime traffic to and from Iranian ports, in line with the presidential order issued by former President Trump. The directive applies to "vessels of all nations" operating in Iranian coastal waters, including the Arabian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. Tehran has warned of possible retaliation against ports in neighboring Gulf states. In response to the blockade, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) ordered every ship to follow a newly‑drawn navigation map that forces vessels to enter the strait north of Larak Island and exit south of it, citing the risk of anti‑ship mines in the former main traffic zone. Before the conflict, the strait functioned like a divided highway with two dedicated lanes—each about 3.2 km long—carrying roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and gas shipments. The IRGC now classifies the original lanes as "restricted" and has effectively closed them. Ship traffic has collapsed by **more than 95 %** since the war began. Kpler’s tracking data shows that only **279 vessels** passed through the strait between Feb. 28 and Apr. 12, a stark contrast to the pre‑war average of around **100 ships per day**. Even after a cease‑fire took effect on Apr. 8, a mere **45 ships** have entered or exited the waterway. The disruption has left hundreds of tankers and other vessels stranded in the Gulf, slashing global oil and gas supplies by an estimated **20 %**—the largest fuel‑supply shock on record. Damage to Gulf energy infrastructure and the sharp reduction in shipments have pushed crude prices up by roughly **50 %**, with Asian importers bearing the brunt of the price spike. According to the same Kpler data, **22 ships** have been attacked in the Strait of Hormuz since the conflict started. The incidents are distributed as follows: eight in United Arab Emirates waters, six in Omani waters, two each in Iraqi and Qatari waters, and one each in Bahraini, Kuwaiti, Saudi and Iranian waters. These figures underscore the strategic vulnerability of the world’s most critical energy chokepoint and highlight how the combined effect of the U.S. naval blockade and Iran’s alternate routing has reshaped global shipping patterns and commodity markets.

Sergey Lavrov touched down in Beijing as Washington intensified its pressure on Iran by attempting to block the Strait of Hormuz, a waterway that carries roughly one‑third of China’s oil imports. The Russian foreign minister was greeted with a red‑carpet reception, according to photos released by Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Both Beijing and Moscow condemned the United States and Israel over their involvement in the ongoing war on Iran, noting that the conflict has already strained China’s energy supplies. China, a major purchaser of Iranian crude, denounced a newly announced U.S. plan to prohibit vessels from entering or leaving Iranian ports and coastal waters, calling the measure an unjustified interference with international trade. “The Strait of Hormuz is a vital international trade route for goods and energy, and its security and uninterrupted flow serve the common interest of the global community,” Chinese MFA spokesman Guo Jiakun said on Monday. According to Al Jazeera’s Alan Fisher, the U.S. hopes that by choking Iran’s trade it can force China to pressure Tehran into returning to negotiations, given that Beijing imports about a third of its oil from Iran. Lavrov also held a telephone conversation with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, emphasizing the need to prevent any resurgence of hostilities in the Middle East and reiterating Russia’s “unwavering readiness” to assist in a diplomatic settlement. Araghchi relayed details of recent U.S.–Iran talks in Pakistan, which ended without a breakthrough, underscoring the limited diplomatic progress on the issue. The visit comes as China‑Russia relations have deepened since Russia’s full‑scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Earlier in the week, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi spoke with Lavrov, agreeing that the two capitals would cooperate to de‑escalate tensions in the region. Beijing’s diplomatic calendar this week also featured meetings with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, United Arab Emirates President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and an upcoming visit by Vietnamese President To Lam, highlighting China’s active role in global diplomacy despite its low‑profile stance on the Iran conflict. Analysts note that China’s restrained approach allows it to position itself as a “reliable, stable and predictable partner” for states seeking alternatives to U.S. influence, especially given its extensive trade ties with Tehran. Former U.S. President Donald Trump, slated to visit Beijing next month, warned he would impose a 50 percent tariff on Chinese goods if China provides military assistance to Iran. The claim followed a CNN report citing U.S. intelligence that China might deliver new air‑defence systems to Tehran. Chinese officials dismissed the report as “completely fabricated” and warned of “resolute counter‑measures” should the United States use it as a pretext for additional tariffs.

The UK's culture secretary, Lisa Nandy, has cleared Axel Springer's £575m takeover of the Telegraph titles, paving the way for the end of almost three years of uncertainty over the ownership of the newspapers. Nandy stated that she does not believe there are grounds to intervene and refer the deal to the media regulator, Ofcom, for an in-depth regulatory investigation. The culture secretary has the power to call in mergers for further scrutiny on public interest grounds, as well as the new foreign state influence regime. Axel Springer, a German media group, had tabled a significantly superior offer to Lord Rothermere's Daily Mail and General Trust (DMGT), prompting the United Arab Emirates-backed group that controls the Telegraph to seek UK government approval to switch the permission to sell the right-to-buy option to Axel Springer. The Telegraph titles will add to Axel Springer's media portfolio, which includes Europe's biggest newspaper, Bild, Politico, and Business Insider. Axel Springer CEO, Mathias Döpfner, has promised to invest in the Telegraph to make it the “leading centre-right media outlet in the English-speaking world”, with a rapid expansion planned for the US supported by the expertise of Politico and Business Insider. The sale of the newspapers was kicked off in 2023 when the Barclay family lost control of the group over £1.16bn of unpaid debts owed to Lloyds bank. RedBird IMI, which is 75% controlled by Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the vice-president of the UAE and the owner of Manchester City, took control of the publishing group after agreeing to pay the Barclays' debts.

"Bloody unacceptable" – those were the words of UN humanitarian chief Denise Brown as she condemned the failure to halt a war that has now entered its fourth year. The conflict, which began with rival generals overthrowing Sudan’s civilian leadership, has eclipsed global crises in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, yet remains largely ignored. The Berlin‑hosted international conference aims to inject urgency into a situation where tens of thousands have been killed, four million have fled abroad, and millions more are internally displaced. Roughly 30 million Sudanese – more than half the population – now face acute food insecurity, and large swathes of Khartoum lie in ruins. Violence has not abated. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, have established a rival administration in western Sudan. In the siege of El Fasher, an estimated 10,000 civilians were massacred – a UN mission described the atrocity as bearing the hallmarks of genocide. Both the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Gen. Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan have deliberately targeted civilians, carried out summary executions, tortured detainees and increasingly employed drones to devastate urban areas. Gen. Burhan, whose government enjoys international recognition, refuses any compromise, insisting the RSF must first disarm and retreat to camps before any national dialogue. The RSF, meanwhile, demands a new federal system and the removal of Islamist elements – a stance that directly challenges Burhan’s coalition. In September, a US‑led mediation team that included Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt outlined a tentative roadmap: a humanitarian truce leading to a cease‑fire and subsequent political talks. Yet the United States has shown little appetite to prioritize Sudan, and the plan sidestepped the most contentious issues. The deeper scandal, according to diplomats and analysts, is the role of external actors in sustaining the war. Despite denials, the UAE is widely reported as the principal backer of the RSF, while Saudi Arabia and Egypt back Burhan’s forces. Recent Yale research points to Ethiopian collusion with the RSF, raising fears of a broader regional conflagration. European states, which previously funded Sudanese security to curb migration, have inadvertently strengthened the RSF and supplied weapons now used on the battlefield. The ongoing Iran‑Israel conflict further hampers relief efforts, inflating costs and limiting aid deliveries. Community kitchens that once fed countless families are disappearing – more than 40 % have closed in the past six months. The Berlin delegates must therefore boost support for Sudan’s grassroots mutual‑aid networks, but humanitarian assistance cannot replace a durable peace. Pressure on the UAE and other geopolitically motivated actors is essential if the international community hopes to halt the suffering of millions of Sudanese.

A temporary 32‑hour ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine started at 4:00 p.m. local time (13:00 GMT) on Saturday and will run until midnight on Sunday, according to the Kremlin. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy affirmed Kyiv’s commitment to honor the pause provided Moscow does the same. President Vladimir Putin ordered the ceasefire to align with Orthodox Easter celebrations, more than a week after Zelenskyy first proposed the truce. Both sides have publicly confirmed their intention to observe it. Zelenskyy posted on social media that Ukraine will “adhere to the ceasefire and respond strictly in kind. The absence of Russian strikes in the air, on land, and at sea will mean no response from our side.” The Ukrainian army added it stands ready to react immediately if the truce is breached. Hours before the truce began, Russian forces launched at least 160 drones against Ukrainian targets, killing four civilians in the east and south and wounding dozens. The southern Odesa region suffered two fatalities and damage to civilian infrastructure. In the Russian‑occupied parts of Donetsk and Kherson, Ukrainian drone attacks killed four people, according to officials installed by Moscow. Public confidence in the ceasefire remains low. Last year’s Easter pause saw numerous accusations of violations from both sides, and similar doubts persist this time. Despite the tension, the warring parties completed a reciprocal exchange of 175 prisoners of war each on Saturday. The United Arab Emirates facilitated the swap, as confirmed by the Russian Ministry of Defence. Prisoner exchanges have become one of the few tangible outcomes of the stalled U.S.-brokered peace talks, which continue to falter over territorial issues. Ukraine has reiterated its proposal to freeze the conflict along the current front lines, a suggestion Russia rejected, insisting Kyiv relinquish all territory it holds in the Donetsk region—an offer Kyiv deems unacceptable. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov noted that Russia did not discuss the Easter proposal with the United States in advance and did not signal an immediate revival of the three‑way peace negotiations. Fighting on the front has largely stalled. While Russia has achieved modest territorial gains at a high cost, Ukrainian forces have recently pushed back in the southeast, and Russian advances have slowed since late 2025, according to the Institute for the Study of War. Moscow now occupies just over 19 percent of Ukraine, most of which was seized in the early weeks of the conflict.