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Les Kiss is set to take over the Wallabies in July, inheriting a side desperate to climb back to the top of world rugby. He faces a tight schedule – 14 months and 19 Tests – before the 2027 Rugby World Cup that Australia will host. Describing his mandate, Kiss stresses that he is not aiming for a radical overhaul. "It's not a revolution, it's evolution," he told the Guardian. "Core values like discipline, accountability and strategic planning stay firmly in place." What makes Kiss an outlier is his background: a former rugby league international who never played union at senior level. He says this forced him to "earn his stripes" in the union code, learning that culture and standards in the locker room drive performance on the field. His personal story is rooted in a family that escaped the Hungarian Revolution and settled in Bundaberg, and a playing career that saw him sprint down the wing before a knee injury sidelined him for four years. Those experiences, he believes, forged the resilience he now brings to coaching. After a stint in marketing and junior coaching, Kiss transitioned to union coaching, first as a defence coach for the Springboks (2001‑02), then as an assistant with Ireland (2009‑15), director of Ulster Rugby, and finally a three‑year spell with London Irish in the Premiership. Returning to Australia in 2024 to lead the Queensland Reds, he guided the franchise to its most prolific try‑scoring season in three decades, back‑to‑back quarter‑final appearances and record crowd numbers. The Reds sit 4‑2 in the 2026 Super Rugby Pacific season and are eyeing a top‑four finish. Kiss’s coaching philosophy centres on connection. "Coaching is about rapport and building something strong together," he says, adding that he is fully invested and treats every team like family. His transition to the Wallabies will be smoothed by a close partnership with current head coach Joe Schmidt. The two have shared roughly 40 Tests, developing a strong rapport that Kiss believes will help him "understand the breakdown" and set the right structures for success. The emerging "Kiss army" already includes former All Blacks staffer Scott McLeod as defence coach, analyst Eoin Toolan, set‑piece specialist Tom Donnelly, scrum guru Mike Cron, and consultant Laurie Fisher. Skills coach Mick Byrne and U20s boss Chris Whitaker also remain on board. While his new responsibilities grow, Kiss assures fans he remains 100% committed to the Reds, vowing not to let the franchise down despite his expanding duties. On the player front, Kiss highlights a blend of seasoned talent and fresh faces that could power Australia’s World Cup campaign. The likes of Mark Nawaqanitawase, Max Jorgensen, former winger Dylan Pietsch, and NRL convert Zac Lomax are poised to add dynamism, while 18‑year‑old prodigy Treyvan Pritachard offers a glimpse of the future. Ultimately, Kiss believes the Wallabies embody a uniquely Australian style – inventive, physical, and expressive – forged in backyard games and a culture of resilience. "The Australian way isn’t formulaic; it’s about solving problems on the field in our own special way," he concludes.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Irish MEP Barry Andrews toured makeshift shelters in Beirut last month, where displaced families are living on dirty mattresses and blankets and suffering from infections. The conditions, he said, are worse than during Israel’s 2024 incursion, underscoring the human cost of Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel.On returning to Dublin, Andrews became one of the first European lawmakers to urge the European Union to revive sanctions against Israel. He argued that the EU must also address state‑backed settler violence in the West Bank, attacks on health workers in Gaza, and Israel’s recent move to reinstate the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of terrorism.The EU’s leverage lies in its association agreement with Israel, a commerce and cooperation accord that underpins a €68 billion (€59 bn) trading relationship and includes cooperation on energy and scientific research. Former EU representative to the Palestinian territories, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, says the bloc should suspend this agreement, halt all military aid, and cease trade with illegal settlements, warning that inaction will further damage the EU’s reputation.Andrews described the EU’s reaction to the Iran‑Israel‑Lebanon war as “weak and pathetic,” adding that it effectively gives Israel a “permission slip for endless war crimes.” The European Commission condemned the Knesset’s death‑penalty vote as “very concerning” and a “clear step backwards,” while the Council of Europe called it a “legal anachronism” incompatible with modern human‑rights standards.Human‑rights figures note that in the past four weeks more than 1,240 people have been killed in Lebanon—including at least 124 children—and over 1.1 million have been displaced. In Gaza, the death toll has risen by 673 since the October ceasefire, bringing the total to 72,260 deaths.EU leaders have been divided on how to respond. Former Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed unprecedented sanctions last September, citing a “man‑made famine” in Gaza, but the proposal failed to secure a majority in the Council of Ministers, losing momentum after the U.S. announced a cease‑fire plan.Member states also differ: Ireland, Spain and Slovenia champion the Palestinian cause, whereas Germany, Austria and Hungary—led by Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—have resisted measures such as sanctions on West Bank settlers.Despite these divisions, a senior EU diplomat warned in mid‑March that the bloc may need to “increase pressure on Israel again,” citing the “highly problematic” situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Another diplomat highlighted the importance of engaging with Israeli civil society, noting an open letter from 600 Israeli security officials urging an end to the Gaza war.In a recent statement, a Commission spokesperson reiterated that diplomatic engagement with Israel continues, describing it as the standard approach when partners “do not see developments eye to eye.” Yet former EU envoy Kühn von Burgsdorff cautioned that the EU cannot appear as a “sidekick” to an “erratic, unreliable” U.S. president or a “warmongering, annexationist” Israeli prime minister, as such a stance would undermine Europe’s global standing.

Ukraine is facing a critical spring as the country's situation continues to deteriorate. US financial support has dried up under Donald Trump, making European aid crucial. However, Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is blocking a €90bn EU loan to Kyiv, causing exasperation for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.Orbán's opposition is driven by his nationalist base and allegations of collusion with Russia to undermine European decision-making. With US attention shifting to the Middle East, Ukraine has become more vulnerable and reliant on European support. Higher oil prices and the lifting of restrictions on Russian oil have boosted Vladimir Putin's war economy, while stocks of US Patriot missile interceptors are dwindling.Meanwhile, peace negotiations with Moscow have paused, and the White House's priorities in the Gulf are taking precedence over Kyiv's needs. Ukraine's president has stated that future US security guarantees are being linked to the surrender of unoccupied territory in the Donbas. Europe must develop stronger mechanisms to counter blocking tactics like Orbán's and provide crucial financial support to Ukraine.

Ukrainian unmanned aircraft have targeted the Russian Baltic port of Ust‑Luga for the fifth time within a ten‑day span, intensifying Kyiv's campaign against Russia's oil‑export infrastructure. Regional governor Alexander Drozdenko reported that three individuals, two of them children, received medical care after the latest overnight raid, and several structures sustained damage. He added that regional air‑raid alerts have since been lifted, though details on port damage remain scarce. Located on the southeastern coast of the Gulf of Finland, Ust‑Luga comprises an extensive network of oil‑processing plants and export terminals. The facility moved 32.9 million metric tonnes of oil products in the previous year and typically handles around 700,000 barrels of crude oil per day. The series of strikes on March 22, 25, 27, 29 and 31 forced temporary suspensions of export operations. According to market‑based calculations, the cumulative effect of drone attacks, a contested pipeline strike and the seizure of tankers has halted roughly 40 % of Russia's oil export capacity. The disruption has contributed to a surge in global oil prices, with Brent crude climbing above $116 a barrel – its highest level in nearly two weeks amid escalating conflicts involving the United States, Israel and Iran. While Kyiv continues to press its aerial campaign, the European Union dispatched senior diplomats, including top envoy Kaja Kallas, to the Ukrainian capital. Their visit, timed with the fourth anniversary of the Bucha massacre, underscored EU commitment to holding Russia accountable for alleged war crimes. Kallas posted on X, describing Bucha as a symbol of Russian brutality, and affirmed that the EU will not allow such atrocities to go unpunished. Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha echoed the message, urging international partners to keep their focus on Ukraine despite the widening war in the Middle East. Financially, the EU’s planned €90 billion loan for Ukraine has been stalled by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who objects to Russia's oil transit through the Druzhba pipeline and is also impeding Ukraine's EU accession talks. In parallel, Kyiv announced that its air‑defence forces intercepted 267 of 289 Russian drones launched overnight, while Russian officials claimed control of the village of Mala Korchakivka in the Sumy region. The convergence of intensified drone attacks on Russian oil assets, soaring energy prices, and high‑level EU diplomatic activity highlights the expanding geopolitical ripple effects of the Ukraine conflict across Europe and the broader Middle‑East theater.

The World Cup playoffs have reached a critical stage, with several high-stakes matches set to determine which European teams will qualify for the tournament. Gennaro Gattuso's Italy are facing a significant challenge against Northern Ireland, a team they have not beaten in a competitive match since 1983.Craig Bellamy's Wales are also in action, taking on Bosnia and Herzegovina in a match that promises to be closely contested. The winner of that tie will face either Poland or Albania in the playoff final.The Republic of Ireland, who reached the playoffs thanks to Troy Parrott's late winner in Hungary, have a tough match against the Czech Republic in Prague. The victor will play either Denmark or North Macedonia at home on Tuesday.Graham Potter's Sweden are another team in action, facing Ukraine in Valencia with the winner hosting Poland or Albania next week. If Sweden win both ties on penalties, they will become the first team to qualify for a World Cup without winning a single match since Hungary in 1954.These matches represent the final hurdle for several teams hoping to qualify for the World Cup, and the pressure is on for managers like Gattuso, Bellamy, and Potter to deliver results.

Republic of Ireland captain Seamus Coleman has urged his team to complete the job of qualifying for the World Cup, saying they have a duty to lift the country. The Republic visit the Czech Republic on Thursday in a World Cup playoff semi-final.Coleman believes that recent history, including painful playoff defeats in the past, will be forgotten in Prague. He emphasized that the current team, led by manager Heimir Hallgrímsson, has the confidence and momentum to end a 24-year absence from the World Cup.The team has been allocated only 1024 tickets for the semi-final, but Coleman insists the Republic will not be intimidated in Prague. He added that the team's recent wins over Portugal and Hungary have lifted the country and given people something to talk about.Coleman's confidence was shared by Hallgrímsson, who recently extended his contract with the Football Association of Ireland until the end of the Euro 2028 campaign. The Czech Republic pose a conundrum ahead of the semi-final, with Miroslav Koubek taking charge of the national team.

A second set of mountain gorilla twins has been born in Virunga National Park in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), marking what conservationists are calling an extraordinary event for these endangered primates.Just two months after twin mountain gorillas were discovered by rangers in the Virunga massif in eastern DRC, another rare twin birth has been found by park wardens. This time, an infant male and female have been spotted in the Baraka family, a troop of 19 mountain gorillas that roam the region's high-altitude rainforests.Park rangers have placed the young primates under additional monitoring to help them through the critical initial months, as the infants face significant challenges to becoming fully grown adults. Twins are extremely rare in mountain gorillas, accounting for less than 1% of births, and place extra demands on the mother.The gorilla subspecies, found in only two isolated pockets of the Virunga massif and the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park in southwest Uganda, has high rates of infant mortality, with about a quarter falling victim to disease, trauma or infanticide.In January, Virunga National Park announced that a female mountain gorilla called Mafuko had given birth to twins. The infant males are now 11 weeks old and said to be thriving, with other gorillas in the troop taking extra care of the mother to support her caregiving, according to rangers. Park authorities believe that twin births are more likely when females are in particularly good physical condition.Jacques Katutu, the head of gorilla monitoring at Virunga, said: "Two instances of twin births within three months is an extraordinary event and provides another vital indicator that dedicated conservation efforts, which have continued despite the current instability in eastern Congo, continue to support the growth of the endangered mountain gorilla population within Virunga National Park."Specialist veterinary care has played a leading role in the revival of the subspecies. In Rwanda, Uganda and the DRC, organizations such as the Gorilla Doctors have prevented dozens of deaths by helping animals affected by human behavior, such as by releasing gorillas accidentally caught in poachers' traps. One study attributes half of the mountain gorillas' population increase to the vets.Barely 250 mountain gorillas were left in the 1970s, and many thought the animals faced extinction. Decades of intense conservation work helped population numbers surpass 1,000 in 2018, and conservation authorities have since downgraded the subspecies' status from critically endangered to endangered.The DRC section of the Virunga mountain range remains one of the most dangerous places in the world for wildlife rangers. Over the past 20 years, more than 220 rangers have been killed in the park, where rebel groups such as M23 and other militias, as well as bandits, operate with impunity.